Sambalpuri Ikat is the most intricate and elaborate of all the methods involving resist dye, as well as weaving of loose threads, post the dyeing. The yarn already bears the impression of the pattern when the loom is set for weaving. If both warp and weft are resist-dyed the resultant weave is called ‘double ikat’ which is primarily associated with the patola ikats of Patan, in Gujrat. And if either the weft or the warp yarn alone is dyed, the weave is termed ‘single ikat’, more widely produced in Odisha. Despite the supposed influences of Gujarat’s patola on Odishan weaving, the two are strikingly different in design. The Gujarati patolas are recognizable through their bold outlines and geometrical grid-like overall design. However, the Odishan ikat follows a curvilinear style and has a feathery look with hazy outlines.
These fabrics wore as costumes exchanged as gifts, acquired as items of status and prestige, and utilized for ceremonial and ritual purposes. They have also served as a medium of communication between members of social groups, as much as between the physical and spiritual world.
Origin
Ikat is an Indonesian word derived from the word ‘mengikat’, meaning to tie. Apart from India, Indonesia, Japan and China are the other countries in which this method of weaving is widely practiced. While indigenously this resists dye and tie method is called bandha Kala or tie art in Odisha.
A semblance of the Odishan Sambalpuri ikat can be seen in the garments of the beautiful sculptures in Konark Temple. In the Chandi Mandir in Saintala also one can see the attractively patterned drapes resembling the ikat fabric on figurines of Ganga and Jamuna. So also is the case with the sculptures of Baidyanath Temple in the Sonepur district.
R.N. Mehta argues that the ikat tradition dates back to about the 13th century CE in ancient Kalinga (cited in Livingstone 1994). According to local oral history, the group of Bhuliya weavers was originally from Madhya Pradesh during the 18th century, and later migrated to the Sambalpuri area of Odisha and brought knowledge of the Gujarat Patola ikat tradition to this region as well (Livingstone 1984). In more recent discussions of this art, T.N. Mukherjee in his book Art Manufacturers of India (Mukherjee 1888) has written and highly praised the art of matha saree (coarse silk saree) in Barpalli. O’Malley, a British traveler, has also spoken of the Bhuliya tribe. O’Malley in 1809 CE writes of his travels to Borpalli Patora, Kshetra Bhushan, Sapta Padi, Bichitra Puri, Mukta Jhari, Kumbha, etc., and speaks of the different weaving traditions in these areas.
At different times, various experts have thus claimed the bandha Kala art to be one of the oldest textile crafts of India. Notwithstanding these sources, the exact origin of this art in the eastern region remains unknown.
History
While the origins seem unclear, the decline of textile production in Odisha started at the time of the Maratha empire of the 18th century (Kumar 1980). According to this account, the Maratha administration discouraged the local textile occupation because cotton, which was not produced in Odisha, was imported and traded with Maharashtra through the land route Raipur–Sambalpur for cheap rice and salt. But since the Maratha government instead preferred diverting Odisha’s rice to the city of Nagpur, huge customs duties were levied on the import of cotton bales to manipulate trade relations.
While the decline had started with the Marathas, a widespread regression ailed the Indian textile art subsequent to colonial exploitation, which transformed India from an exporter of manufactured goods to an importer of cloth. The British used political power to dominate a rival with whom they could not have competed on normal terms (Kumar 1980; Mukund 1992). During the last quarter of the 18th century, cotton textiles from Odisha were initially exported by the British. However, this alliance was only momentary and eventually, the customs duties levied on cotton bales became so high that indigenous production and trade further declined. The British encouraged the import of machine-made clothes from Calcutta into Odisha. Gradually the indigenous weaving industry began to cater only to the poor peasantry of Odisha who could not afford the imported clothes. Nabin Kumar further states how the passing of the 1833 Charter Act sounded the death knell for local village-level industries (Kumar 1980). Earlier, weavers in the Balasore district of Odisha would belong to the middle class, but gradually this community was reduced to abject poverty. Not surprisingly, during the 1865–66 famine, weavers were one of the worst hit, resulting in their large-scale migration towards southwest Bengal to seek work as manual laborers. The discovery of chemical dyes further aggravated the crisis towards the last quarter of the 19th century and escalated the disparity between handicrafts and factory-produced goods (Mukund 1992).
Weavers
The villages where ikat weaving is practiced in Odisha are Mankedia in Balasore or Mayurbhanj district. In the Balangir district in West Odisha, ikat weaving is done in Barapalli, Remunda, Jhiliminda, Mahalakata, Singhapali, Sinepur, Patabhadi, Sagarpali, Tarabha, Biramaharajpur, Subalaya, Kendupali, Jaganathpali, and Kamalapur. In Cuttack district, it is produced in the villages of Badamba, Nuapatna, Maniabadha, Narashinpur, Tigiria, and many more. Thus while several villages of Odisha are involved in this craft, it is the Bargarh district that is most widely recognized for the Sambalpuri sarees which have the maximum reach beyond Odisha. The term ‘Sambalpuri’ for these textiles is therefore misleading, for they are not actually produced in Sambalpur, but in its neighboring areas. However, the Sambalpuri term is used more in a metonymic manner, referring to the larger distinct performance and art culture of this region.
The western part of Barpali in Bargarh district and its nearby areas are famous for producing silk, tussar (coarse silk), and cotton. The Bhuliya community of Meher tribe makes tastefully designed cotton sarees. By putting in much hard work and with knowledge passed down many generations, this community specializes in making fine cotton sarees. The master weavers are skillful in creating precise and intricate patterns. The Bhuliyas belong to a higher social stratum than ordinary weavers. Apart from Bhuliyas, the Mehers of Sonepur and Bargarh and the Patras from Nuapatna and the Cuttack region are other major weaving communities.
Another important weaver community of Barpalli is the Kostha. The Kosthas also use the Meher surname but do not make cotton sarees or ‘bandha’, i.e. they do not perform much of the tie and dye work. Instead, they specialize in silk thread work and typically make the Kumbha saree, dhoti, pachoda (towel used for prayers) in addition they also possess expertise in butti work, i.e. tiny circular embroidered motifs spread over the saree’s body. In Sarola Das’s Odia translation of the Mahabharata, one finds the description of devanga vastra, referring to cloth made by Kosthas in silk and tussar. It is a thought that during Puranic times, gods give the title ‘Devanga’ to the Kostha community, for the sheer beauty of the fabrics and the creator’s expert handiwork.
Although the British wanted to terminate the handweaving industry of colonial India, the ikat craft still survives. Radhashyam Meher, Kunja Bihari Meher, Chaturbhuja Meher, and Krutartha Acharya are some of the leading exponents of Sambalpuri ikat who have helped display this art on the world stage. After Independence, the well-known freedom fighter of Sambalpur, Sri Radhashyam Meher, made an active effort to keep the craft alive. Padma Shri Dr. Krutartha Acharya also started a cooperative which was revolutionary in giving the weavers more remuneration. During the 1970s, with his extraordinary proficiency, Padma Shri Kunjabehari Meher created a special interest in this art beyond Odisha and even generated international demand through live demonstrations of the Sambalpuri ikat weaving process in Philadelphia (USA), Hong Kong, and London.
In 1982, Chaturbhuja Meher resigned from a government job and started his own weaving factory in his native place Sonepur. Here he explored and created numerous new patterns and designs in pure silk and tussar fabrics and also promoted other traditional handloom arts of India. His products also reached a wide market and for the first time fetched better prices for the textiles throughout India and abroad.
Design and Symbolism
Ordinary craftsmanship of extraordinary creation—that is bandha Kala. One can say this for two reasons. Firstly, ordinary craftsmen of Odisha living ordinary lives and in some cases in abject penury, display extraordinary creativity in producing some of the most exquisite designs in textiles. The famous saying of Odisha’s legendary poet Bhimabhoyi (late 19th century) has remained an inspiration for the weavers, ‘The suffering of humankind—I hope my life becomes hell but alleviates the human condition. And secondly, through these textiles ordinary life is constantly imbued with an extraordinary vision regarding evolution, the nature of human civilization, as well as the cultural values of the Odishan society. As the primary wearer, the woman drapes over herself these rich symbolic imageries connecting her everyday world with the divine and the spiritual.
Such was the fantasized role of women in the shastras, epics, poems and depiction in the architecture of Odishan culture since ancient times. Other major literary inspirations for female representation in Sambalpuri ikat are poet Kalidasa’s Abhijnana Shakuntalam and the verses from ‘Madhumaya’ poems in the book Pranayabalari by renowned Odia poet Gangadhar Meher, who himself belonged to the weaver community. Radhanath Rai’s poems describing the Chilika Lake in Odisha, artisan depicted its water, sky, and birds in the sarees.
The traditional Bichitrapuri saree with one of the oldest known designs has therefore recurring motifs of the deer, lion, elephant, geese, and ducks in its end panel.
While on the surface, deracinated from their context, these motifs might look merely decorative, to depict a horse or camel in these sarees would thus become completely illogical and counterproductive. The Indumati saree depicts all the duties of the Odia housewife and the Panchkanya saree shows womenfolk in a specific attractive pose with one leg up, their heads falling back as they play the conch with their mouths. Some of the other key recurrent traditional motifs include the lotus as a symbol of the universe emerging from the sun as well as Goddess Lakshmi’s seat, the conch representing the mystic symbol ‘om’, the tortoise as an incarnation of Lord Vishnu, the fish as a sign of evolution as well as one of the eight symbols of good luck, the coiled serpent symbolizing the unending cycle of time, peacock for prosperity, and the dharma chakra.
The Charuchitrapata saree depicts imageries from the other traditional Odishan art—the scroll paintings or patachitra based on Hindu mythology, especially the life of Lord Krishna. Similarly, designs emphasising a particular dominant motif are codified such as the Mandara Phuliya Kapata (hibiscus flower cloth), Ekphuliya (one-flower design), Dusphuliya (ten-flower design), Boulomaliya (flower garland), Nagabandi (two snakes entangled and facing each other) Aasman Tara (stars in the sky), Sakatapara (depicting carts), etc. In olden times, artisans named them according to the codified designs each incorporated—Pushbati, Ratnabati, Mriganayani, Gajagamini, Padmavati, Champakmali, Malinitoya, Indumati, Bhanumati, Bharatikusuma, Kalaratna, Ratnabati, Panchkanya, Kalingasundari, Utkalaratna, Topoi, etc.
The famous Pasapalli saree is among the most delightful sambalpuri sarees. Pasa alludes to the antiquated round of chess played since Mahabharat times. In most of these sarees, it is the anchal or pallu, i.e. the end panel that is the most important part of the design and visually striking has waves and blossoms ikat.
Gitagovinda cloth
However, apart from the secular and day-to-day usage as women’s drapes, the ikat textiles also served an important religious function. In this regard, it is worthwhile here to discuss the Gitagovinda cloth as an example of the contexts within which Odisha’s ikat was originally produced and received. The Gitagovinda is probably one of the oldest surviving types of the religious ikats of Odisha. The community of Nuapatna weavers in the Cuttack district made these especially, with almost 90 percent of this village comprising of different castes of hereditary weavers.
On a mere descriptive level, the Gitagovinda is typically made in silk containing verses from the religious text, Jayadeva’s Gita Govinda, a devotional poem dedicated to the Hindu deity Krishna, produced through the weft ikat technique. Three dominant colors correspond to the chariots in the Ratha Yatra festival—green for the deity Balabhadra, red for Subhadra, and yellow for Jagannath. The verses most frequently deployed in these fabrics are the first part of the Gita Govinda text on the Dasavatara or Vishnu’s ten incarnations. However, on a cultural level, they circulated Gitagovinda cloth in the extremely ritualistic domains within the Jagannath Temple of Puri, defining and negotiating new hierarchies within the religious structures between the devotees, the different kinds of sevakas or priests of the temple, etc.
Moreover, as studied by Hacker, in medieval times, the religious domain deeply intertwined with political power, and in the case of the Odishan empire, the king would actively partake in the temple rituals and strategically place himself in a high status within the temple hierarchies, often identifying himself as a symbolic incarnation of the deity itself (Hacker,1997).
This would in turn shape relations with feudatory states and neighboring kingdoms and the trade dealings. For instance, the sacred Gitagovinda cloth, apart from as gifts, also bartered for iron, wood, and ropes to make the deities’ carts for Ratha Yatra. While the kings and heads were offered silk clothes, the rest of the ministry and family were given cotton fabrics, establishing hierarchies and marking status and prestige via means of the sacred textile which became an important visual and symbolic vehicle for formalizing such political transactions. Thus the cloth served ceremonial, religious as well as political functions all at once.
Revival and Exhibition
Soon after Independence, the government also opened several state organizations to support and market Odisha’s textiles and crafts, chief amongst them being Boyanika, Utkalika, and the Sambalpuri Bastralaya. However, despite some measures taken to aid manufacture and reach, the Sambalpuri ikat remains limited in its economic prospects, with weavers barely surviving on their meager incomes. Bargarh, for instance, has more than 12,000 looms, with several recipients of national and state awards, as well as two Padma Shri honors. This is possibly the only weaving community in the country with so many awards to its credit. Yet, despite the honors and the ubiquities, Sambalpuri ikat has been unable to carve out a place for itself outside the state. One of the prime hurdles faced by weavers in the procurement of raw materials due to the constant fluctuations in the prices, which in any case tend to be high causing the smaller weavers to loan raw materials or threads on interest. Unfortunately, even the export market for Sambalpuri ikat is negligible, and, within India, weavers feel that due to the lack of proper market surveys of demand and tastes, products are not able to reach the buyers effectively.
During the 1920s Odisha’s Sambalpuri ikat had begun to acquire a level of sophistication in its design and style, but even then production mostly catered to local consumption and use in temples and marriages. The village women to date wear self-woven sarees. The older women drape them without a blouse. And in areas like Barpali, people prefer to make even school uniforms out of these local fabrics. It is only during the 1970s that this handloom industry acquired wider recognition and started to direct products to an all-India and international market.
To appeal to this wider market, apart from sarees, other products such as scarfs, bed sheets, bedcovers, handkerchiefs, dupatta, dress materials, screens, curtains, and wall hangings are becoming increasingly popular. In the more contemporary sarees, artisans draw wide range of designs from folk arts, mythology, architecture, and religion.
The mid-1990s can be seen as a point of the commercial peak for Sambalpuris. During this time the textiles started being shown at the Surajkund or Dastkari Haat fairs in and around New Delhi. Demand has seen a steep decline since, particularly in the last decade. Locally, more and more consumers are moving towards factory-produced printed products which are extremely cheap compared to the expensive handwoven clothes. Even the most basic Sambalpuri cotton saree made of coarse thread costs anything between 500 rupees to 2,000 rupees. The more intricately patterned and finer cotton sarees range between 5,000 to 15,000 rupees. These are possibly the highest-priced cotton products in the market at par with silk products. The silk ikat sarees start from 8,000 rupees onwards. The steep costs of these textiles are primarily due to the labor-intensive and time-consuming nature of their production.
Typically, the entire weaver’s family has to contribute to the making of each saree which takes between two or three days on a minimum to as long as six months for the highly sophisticated works. Exceptionally patterned sarees made for exhibitions abroad take months and even a year or more to complete. Rural weavers weave these cloths but the designs remain the copyright of master weavers. Master weavers are not only experts in the field but also culturally and financially more resourceful. They not only create the intricate designs but also support other weavers by providing raw materials and purchasing back the finished products to market them adequately. Sometimes the master weavers also acquaint the local weavers with market trends and provide technical guidance and innovative designs to boost the quality of products.
As famously stated by Berkely, ‘machine can’t replace the hand art because the spirit is part of the craft.’
References
The Sambalpuri Ikat of Odisha: History, Symbolism and Contemporary Trends | Sahapedia
Handwoven Cotton Ikat Sambalpuri Saree – Seerat
Pasapalli Saree Archives – SambalpuriKart
